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Hungary’s government has long been a thorn in the EU’s side with relations becoming increasingly difficult. But until now, EU leaders have been guarded in their criticism of one of their own member states.

In an extraordinary speech to the European Parliament, with Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán watching on, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen launched a blow-by-blow attack on his government.

She accused Orbán of undermining Europe’s security, cosying up to the Russians and the Chinese, failing to commit to promises on Ukraine, running an economy for a “small group of beneficiaries” and holding Hungarians hostage from “the full benefits of [EU] membership”.

MEPs, who often grumble that the EU tiptoes around the ‘Hungary problem’, were enthralled.

“How can it be that the Hungarian government invites Russian nationals into our union without additional security checks?” von der Leyen demanded, to loud applause.

“This makes the new Hungarian visa scheme a security risk not only for Hungary but for all member states.

“And how can it be that the Hungarian government would allow Chinese police to operate within its territory?

“This is not defending Europe’s sovereignty. This is a backdoor for foreign interference.”

Earlier this year, the Hungarian government signed an agreement to allow ‘joint patrols’ with Chinese police on the streets of Budapest. The prime minister’s office said at the time that the patrols “will help with tourists” and claimed other European countries had similar arrangements.

The interior ministry told me that although Hungary does have “an option under the Hungarian-Chinese bilateral agreement”, no patrols have so far taken place.

Viktor Orbán has made no secret of his relations with Russia, the only western leader to visit President Putin in Moscow since the start of the Ukraine war, and Hungary continues to be powered by Russian gas.

“All 27 [EU member states, including Hungary] agreed to diversify away from Russian fossil fuels as soon as possible” after the start of the war, said von der Leyen.

“Instead of looking for alternative sources, one member state in particular just looked for alternative ways to buy fossil fuels from Russia.”

Not limiting her criticism to foreign policy, von der Leyen also turned on how the prime minister reigns at home, suggesting that Orban’s regime is riddled with corruption.

“How can a government be trusted by European businesses if it targets them with arbitrary inspections, blocks their permits, if public contracts mostly go to a small group of beneficiaries?” she asked.

Previous presidents “would never have said that. That never would have happened before in the past”, responded Viktor Orbán, jabbing his finger at von der Leyen across the cavernous European parliament debating chamber.

“The commission is the guardian of the treaties. It was a neutral body.”

Mention Hungary to EU diplomats and they will generally sigh resignedly, confirming that Hungary is indeed continuing to block loans for Ukraine, further sanctions against Russia and even statements speaking out against autocratic regimes around the world.

But publicly, until now, EU leaders have continued to work with Hungary knowing that Orbán will mostly toe the line in Brussels. Even though they know as soon as he returns to Budapest, he will blast the EU to his domestic audience.

That strategy – which has lasted for years with increasing unease – has now been blown out of the water.

So why did Ursula von der Leyen do it? And why now?

Hungary currently holds the rotating presidency of the European Council during which it is supposed to play ‘honest broker’ on behalf of the member states in the lawmaking process.

“I would have been happy to talk to you about the programme of our presidency… but I can see that you are not interested in that”, Orban hit back with a smile and applause from his supporters.

Von der Leyen’s speech had been carefully prepared. She is not someone to speak off the cuff, or in anger. Yet, has she simply run out of patience with Hungary’s prime minister?

It benefits von der Leyen to have a majority of the European Parliament on side. She will need them to approve her new team of commissioners in the coming months.

But blowing apart an albeit thin relationship with the EU’s longest serving prime minister is nonetheless a risky strategy.

Next week the 27 heads of state and governments gather for their quarterly summit in Brussels. It is hard to imagine Ursula von der Leyen and Viktor Orbán sitting around the same table right now.